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Granted, Louisiana voters decided not to send John Kennedy to the U.S. Senate on two occasions. First, in 2004, it was Sen. David Vitter who got the nod. Then in 2008, Sen. Mary Landrieu easily sailed to reelection. But if there is an alternate reality where the state treasurer graduated to Capitol Hill, it would look something like this.

He’s sitting behind the microphone—it’s more like he’s crouched and ready to attack—with a Cheshire Cat smile on his face and eyeglasses perched on the tip of his nose. He’s wearing a blue-and-gold selection from what must be a limitless supply of conservative, striped ties. When he’s not talking or sipping from a Styrofoam coffee cup, he’s got that huge smile on his face, suggesting he already knows the answers to his questions, and you’re just going to love what’s coming.

In the hot seat is Alan M. Boxberger, undersecretary of the Office of Juvenile Justice, who’s been called to testify before Kennedy’s subcommittee on efficiency and benchmarking. Boxberger is in the seat to answer why the Jetson Center for Youth in north Baton Rouge costs the state twice as much money as similar facilities in Monroe and New Orleans. He explains that Jetson is a 24-hour facility that was recently downsized.

As treasurer, Kennedy doesn’t have many opportunities like this—that is, to govern with a gavel—but his seat on the governor’s Commission on Streamlining Government came with oversight of the subcommittee.

Kennedy thunders away at the clearly uncomfortable Boxberger, putting him on the defensive about everything from air conditioning to mold. Sensing the theater of the moment, Kennedy continues the attack until a flustered Boxberger surrenders.

“I’ve only been on the job 10 weeks,” he says.

That’s when Kennedy cuts him loose and moves on to a different topic. It was a performance worthy of a congressional hearing, where theatrics are half the battle. Of course, the reality of the situation is that Kennedy isn’t in Washington, D.C. He’s here, in the heart of state government, playing the role of fiscal hawk and government do-gooder.

While it might be a consolation prize, Louisiana’s opinion-makers have taken notice. Practically every newspaper in the state has written an editorial praising Kennedy for his bold ideas and investigative prowess. Letters from the public have echoed those sentiments as well. Gov. Bobby Jindal’s streamlining commission has been slow to embrace each and every idea, but the media attention and public reaction has been enough to rejuvenate Kennedy’s political career after a string of high-profile election losses.

Is Kennedy simply fighting for what he believes is right for the future of Louisiana or, as insiders suggest, is he using his bully pulpit as a launching pad for a run for governor or the U.S. Senate? Kennedy insists his motives are pure, but other people aren’t so sure.

A stranger in a strange land

Anyone who knows anything about politics will tell you that Kennedy is probably positioning himself for something. But for what? Does Kennedy want to run for governor? Does he plan on jumping into the GOP primary during next year’s U.S. Senate race? Those answers are difficult to ascertain, but a long and winding journey has brought Kennedy to the point of pondering such questions.

Just a few months ago, it was practically unfathomable the treasurer already would be back up on two legs deciding his own fate. Aside from losing two bids for the U.S. Senate, Kennedy also lost a bid for attorney general in 1991—meaning he has lost every office he has ever sought, save treasurer [Kennedy was first elected state treasurer in 1999, unseating incumbent Ken Duncan with 55% of the vote, and has won reelection without opposition ever since].

Kennedy also is a stranger in a strange land when it comes to party affiliation, but it’s a climate to which he’s become accustomed over the years. In 2007, after months of speculation, Kennedy switched to the Republican Party. Yet even as a Democrat, Kennedy didn’t quite fit into the fold. When officials with the Louisiana Democratic Party backed former Congressman Chris John in the Senate race won by Vitter five years ago, Kennedy fell off the grid and went nomad. He was the lone wolf of Louisiana politics, and, in many respects, he still holds that title.

As a Republican, you won’t find Kennedy at the traditional GOP gatherings. He’s not a banner-bearer, and he’s not a cheerleader. Moreover, he’s shown time and again in recent months that he’s willing to throw criticism Jindal’s way, even though the governor is the unarguable leader of the party. For that reason alone, Kennedy has caught the ire of many die-hards. “I’m not a big party guy. I look at government through my own lens,” Kennedy says. “But I do feel more at home in the Republican Party, in large part because I’m a fiscal conservative. I’m happy now. I spent three years making the decision to switch, and I don’t regret it. I don’t know how people feel about that or how voters feel about it. I haven’t looked at a poll in over a year.”

If that’s indeed true, then maybe it’s time for Kennedy to check out some recent polls, says Bernie Pinsonat, who heads up the Baton Rouge-based Southern Media and Opinion Research. In October, Pinsonat’s firm released a poll that showcased Kennedy as the most popular statewide elected official, after Jindal. Pinsonat points out that Lt. Gov. Mitch Landrieu technically was atop the bunch with a 64% approval rating, but when weighed against his 22% negative rating, Kennedy’s nearly 61% approval figure takes the cake [Kennedy’s 15% negative rating also was lower than Jindal’s 32% negative rating].

These figures create an ideal foundation for Kennedy’s upward mobility, Pinsonat says. His negatives come largely from “trying to out-Democrat Chris John in 2004,” and then turning around to run for the U.S. Senate again as a conservative at heart. “And if his opponents try to do that again, it won’t resonate as much with voters. It won’t be as effective,” Pinsonat says. “He couldn’t ask for a better turn of luck right now. When he’s up on TV and in the papers talking about budget cuts, it’s more like he’s Gov. Kennedy than Treasurer Kennedy. It’s a great image to have right now.”

Still, Pinsonat says anyone who digs below the surface will find a guy who has been all over the map politically. Kennedy remains an enigma to anyone who has been paying close attention to state government during the past two decades. He’s a complicated character with the murkiest of motives and, when viewed from the perspective of his entire career, few people can ascertain what he really believes—and maybe that includes Kennedy himself. He’s been a lawyer, cabinet official, campaign manager, elected official, Republican and Democrat. Just a few years ago, he was allied with Cleo Fields, a former state senator and African-American leader. Today, he’s buddy-buddy with Vitter, the conservative, family-values archetype who has more than once gotten in hot water with minorities for racially charged politics.

If deciphering who Kennedy is, as in the man behind the man, is challenging, then figuring out where he’s going is downright impossible. When asked if he wants to run for governor, Kennedy flatly says “no.” When asked if he’ll jump into the Senate race next year, again he says “no.” Kennedy says he’s “having fun” doing his job, and there’s no end game in sight. At least for now. “After last year’s election, I decided to leave politics alone. I decided that I was done with it,” he says. “I want to run for reelection as treasurer, and I can’t think of a set of circumstances that would change that.”

As of Kennedy’s latest campaign finance report, he has more than $560,000 in the bank, and consultants agree a challenger for the treasurer’s post would need at least $2 million to make Team Kennedy worry. Until his reelection bid jumps off, though, speculation will continue as to Kennedy’s angle. When pressed with this line of thought, Kennedy fires back with what he says is a definitive answer. “I’ve made up my mind. I’m enjoying what I’m doing,” he says. “If people want to assign different motives to me, I can’t stop them. I can only look you in the eye and tell you what my plans are. But I understand that speculation and politics are sports in Louisiana.”

A person might get the impression from Kennedy that he considers himself the Real Deal, an elected official fighting the good fight just for the sake of political righteousness. When posed with the question of why he’s doing all this, chasing media attention and hammering on the administration to “cut smart,” Kennedy insists there’s no smoke, no mirrors, and, more important, no hidden agenda. “I’m just doing my job,” he says.

A team effort

Chief among the reasons that Kennedy is enjoying a political career reborn is his backstop media team. Consisting of Deputy Treasurer Jason Redmond and Communications Director Sarah Mulhearn, the duo doesn’t allow the Capitol Bureau to miss much, and it’s paying off for their boss. For instance, while barely a day goes by that Kennedy doesn’t receive media attention from somewhere in the state, The Advocate has included Kennedy in at least seven editorials and columns during October and the first two weeks of November.

To be certain, Kennedy is hitting his old stride again. His bold proposals have been well reported, largely because of his outspoken participation on Jindal’s Streamlining Government Commission. As chairman of a subcommittee on efficiency and benchmarking, Kennedy has taken stances against the administration on topics ranging from state employee hiring to a proposed computer overhaul—the treasurer actually talked the administration out of its plans on the latter.

Getting in the face of the administration while the cameras are rolling is a wise strategy if the end game is increased exposure, according to Democratic strategist Tad Devine, who spoke last month at a policy summit in New Orleans. Devine, who has worked on the presidential campaigns of former Vice President Al Gore and U.S. Sen. John Kerry, says politics is all about playing up differences. “Conflict equals coverage,” he says. “If you want press attention, attack someone. You’ll get a lot of attention that way.”

While it might be a sound strategy, there’s a bit more finesse involved. Here’s an example of how Team Kennedy works: At 5:45 a.m. on Nov. 12, Redmond sends out an e-mail blast to Capitol reporters, reminding them that Kennedy’s advisory group will meet that morning to consider recommendations for the streamlining commission. His message is brief and in all caps. “DO NOT MISS IT TODAY!!!” Given Kennedy’s track record, the e-mail prompts editors to pick up their phones and reporters to schedule the hearing.

During the meeting, Kennedy outlines $615 million in “questionable” contracts granted over the past four years by the Department of Education, many for consulting services and speaking honorariums. He recommends that the Division of Administration should be reviewing these contracts in public and should be held accountable for each expenditure.

After the treasurer’s speech, Redmond and Mulhearn begin sending copies of the contracts to reporters. Since the bomb was dropped on Thursday, the story has legs and carries over into the weekend editorials. It’s another win for Kennedy’s free-media operation.

“We often are described as an aggressive press operation, and I won’t dispute that a bit,” says Redmond, who has been working for Kennedy for 13 years. “This is the information age, and information is power. But the speed and ease of access to that information by the public and the press is just as important as the information itself, and that’s what we strive to provide. At the end of the day, however, any degree of message-crafting or execution is pointless without a good message and especially a good messenger with vision. And all the credit there has to go to one guy and one guy only: Treasurer John Kennedy.”

Speed and stealth are other weapons in the arsenal of Team Kennedy. For example, no one except those closest to Kennedy knew the treasurer was going to call into question more than 5,500 individual contracts on Nov. 12, a volume that even Kennedy admits is “astonishing.” While some might call the move sneaky, especially since education and administration officials had no time to prepare a response, Kennedy says it was all in the timing—that is, he had come upon the contracts the previous day, spent eight hours sifting through them and his subcommittee just happened to have a meeting pending the following day.

Four days after the meeting was held, Superintendent of Education Paul Pastorek issued a detailed response. In part, he gave a nod to Kennedy’s efforts by saying, “We know we can do better.”

On the other hand, Pastorek also deflated some of Kennedy’s well-publicized antics by explaining that a number of the contracts are federally funded and have nothing to do with the state budget [in other words, their value to the streamlining process were minimal at best]. He adds that some of the other contracts were a part of internal streamlining efforts. “Many of the contracts in question are executed in an attempt to outsource services that are needed on an interim basis. This allows us to avoid hiring permanent employees,” Pastorek says.

Nonetheless, Kennedy was able to use the event as a badly needed eye-opener to what government is really spending money on, even if he failed to mention all of the external contractual services he has relied upon while in state government. In the end, Kennedy might be the only winner from this debate, since it brought even more attention to his political brand through press coverage.

When asked how much he’s involved with such media outreach, Kennedy says he takes a hands-off approach unless he’s directly contacted by the media. “I don’t do any of the initiating when it comes to that,” Kennedy says. “But if a reporter calls me, I want to know immediately. Every message comes directly to my desk.”

Style or substance?

It takes a special kind of Republican to second-guess Jindal, who’s among the darlings of the national GOP and unquestionably the top conservative honcho back home in Louisiana. Then again, it also took a special kind of Democrat to repeatedly undermine former Gov. Kathleen Blanco when she was in office.

Maybe it’s just that Kennedy has a problem with authority figures, even if he is one himself. Back in the day, he hounded Blanco in the same fashion he’s now pestering the Jindal administration. In a way, Team Kennedy was creating the framework that’s proven itself so successful today.

On one occasion, Kennedy questioned Blanco’s decision to approve a long list of pet projects—commonly known as slush funds—that were inserted into the budget by lawmakers [he says he counseled former Gov. Mike Foster against approving them as well]. When Blanco challenged Kennedy to suggest cuts, he did just that, directly to the media instead of to the governor. In a recent interview, Blanco remarked that Kennedy wasn’t doing his job as much as he was chasing headlines. “John Kennedy,” Blanco says, “he’s just a grandstander. That simple.”

Kennedy admits he has made enemies over the years and is only adding to the collection right now with his brazen ideas on streamlining government. But the same criticisms that hovered around him during the Blanco administration still remain. “John Kennedy is just making a lot of noise,” one high-ranking elected official says. “Why hasn’t he been pushing these ideas in the past? Nothing that he’s proposing has any real substance.”

In his defense, Kennedy says he’s been preaching the same sermon to different choirs for years. For instance, the treasurer has recommended reducing the state’s workforce by 5,000 positions annually for a period of three years. The 15,000 jobs would come from unfilled vacancies and would, in theory, save the state money. He says he lobbied Foster and Blanco to adopt such a strategy when they were in office. “I don’t pay any attention to the critics,” Kennedy says. “Grandstanding is the kind of response you get from people who just plain don’t like you and don’t have their own ideas to bring forward.”

When he addressed the Baton Rouge Press Club in early October, Kennedy was asked if he would be willing to go around the governor and Legislature—should they not implement his job-cutting plan—by not filling positions in his own department as they become vacant. Kennedy responded he had already streamlined the treasury and there would be no need to take extra steps. “We don’t have a lot of turnover,” he says.

The treasurer has also pushed for a single board for higher education, rather than the various panels now running the show. The state presently has three systems of higher education—LSU, Southern and the University of Louisiana. Each has its own board of supervisors. “We need a government structure for higher education that looks like someone designed it on purpose,” Kennedy says.

As Louisiana ramps up efforts to control its estimated $3 billion shortfall over the next two years, Kennedy says he’s concerned there won’t be enough political will to enact real and meaningful streamlining reforms. The easy way out, he says, would include taking even more money from Louisiana’s citizenry. He went on to cite the low taxes in states like Arizona, Florida, Georgia and Texas as the reasons for those states’ successes during these dire economic times. “I do not believe we should raise taxes,” Kennedy says. “We cannot afford to lose more people.”

Kennedy also has advocated for eliminating some of the state’s 305 statutorily dedicated funds, which today hold nearly $3 billion for everything from boll-weevil eradication and DNA post-conviction testing to shrimp marketing and pet overpopulation. By law, these funds cannot be cut, which places them in order of importance ahead of health care and education, both of which can be cut, Kennedy argues. “It’s time for us to take a look at which funds are appropriate and which are not,” he says. One approach offered would involve placing an expiration date on all dedicated funds—not including those within the constitution—and having the recipients justify their state dollars.

The Commission on Streamlining Government has been lukewarm to most of Kennedy’s ideas, but he says it doesn’t matter [the commission is charged with presenting recommendations to the Legislature at the end of the year]. Regardless of how the commission proceeds, Kennedy says he’s already looking ahead to the 2010 regular session, during which he might operate independently. “Several legislators have already contacted me about filing bills, and I’m trying to work with all of them,” he says. “But what I do at the end of the day doesn’t matter. What does matter is what the Legislature and governor do. It will all be for naught if the governor doesn’t get behind these ideas.”

The time is now

While it’s easy to direct Kennedy’s budget angst at Jindal, it’s more of a direct path to aim it at Commissioner of Administration Angele Davis. Above everyone else, she’s the state’s top budget-crafter.  Since taking office, and actually long before, Davis has been a champion of the reinventing government strategies of David Osborne of the Minnesota-based Public Strategies Group. In very basic terms, the strategy requires department and agency heads to prove in their annual funding requests their individual activities are worth the money being assigned to them.

Known informally as “outcomes-based budgeting,” it’s a work in progress that started last year. And so far, it’s only been publicly discussed in broad terms by the administration, although more specific plans have been introduced in recent weeks. Kennedy, though, says he’s still waiting to see the complete picture. “I don’t have a taste for this new flavor of budget yet, but I do plan on trying to participate,” Kennedy says.

Davis, for her part, has shown a willingness to work with Kennedy, and neither says there’s a contentious relationship building between their respective offices. For instance, Davis, who is becoming a political superstar in her own right for similarly bold ideas, accepted Kennedy’s suggestion to partially delay a planned $100 million computer overhaul the administration was pushing. It was one of many small wins for Kennedy on paper, but it was Davis who eventually pushed the change through. And she did so in quick order.

In her own address last month to the Baton Rouge Press Club, Davis told reporters her office is “open to the ideas that many others are now bringing to the table.” But the ideas have to do more than sound good in a meeting. “Reform means taking action,” Davis says. “The ideas are great, but we must think them through and then put them into motion. There will be resistance to change. There will be institutional inertia that plays out with indignant headlines. But you have to lower your head, get back down in those weeds, do the hard work that must be done and press forward. And we will.”

As for Kennedy, some of his ideas have been treated as pie-in-the-sky initiatives. When he suggested that elected officials teach in public schools on occasion—a long-standing goal of the treasurer’s—many commission members reacted by laughing. But Kennedy didn’t laugh; to him, even the small things add up over time to make for a better government.

Looking ahead, Kennedy will only be able to leverage his newfound popularity if his ideas are enacted. Otherwise, this long run of positive media coverage will be a flash in the pan. But already, he’s willing to shoulder that outcome, should it come to that. “The time for action is now. Rational people fix the roof while the sun is shining, not while it’s raining,” Kennedy says. “I’m not going to speculate on how the commission will eventually vote, and I’m not going to second-guess their votes at the end of the day. Some people vote their politics and some people vote their conscious. For me, I’ll just be happy if all this work actually has results.”

Kennedy was asked to name his top five recommendations to the Commission on Streamlining Government (above) and to provide a realistic outcome for each. Click here to read his recommendations.

Click here to read about the man behind the office.

Click here for a Kennedy timeline.