When Bobby Jindal was elected governor, it was assumed his greatest challenge would lie with the largely Democratic state Senate, which included some migrating House veterans who were once floor leaders for ex-Gov. Edwin Edwards.
By contrast, the thinking was that the more conservative House would be a piece of cake for Jindal, with its near majority of fellow Republicans and an even greater number of newcomers, over whom governors traditionally have sway.
So, of course, it’s not working out that way.
Senators receiving their committee assignments last month from incoming President Joel Chaisson II found the governor-elect sitting in on most of the meetings. That signaled the two had worked out their business together and were on the same page with the choices.
Meanwhile, in the House, all hell was breaking loose, with the Republican governor-elect and Republican incoming Speaker Jim Tucker clashing over who would chair the most important committee.
It started with general grumbling from north Louisiana legislators over the new concentration of power in the metro New Orleans area: Jindal from Kenner, Chaisson from Destrehan and Tucker from Algiers. Throw in Sen. Mike Michot, R-Lafayette, as chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, and lawmakers from north of Interstate 10 complained of being left out in the cold. Northeast Louisiana legislators felt especially snubbed, given how much Jindal campaigned in the area and how strongly it went for him compared to the 2003 election. As Rep. Jim Fannin, D-Jonesboro, put it, “People are saying he was up here all the time campaigning, now what’s he doing for us as governor?”
The only remaining grand prize was chairmanship of the House Appropriations Committee, and the northeast delegation demanded it. Most of its members banded together behind Rep.-elect Noble Ellington, D-Winnsboro, a term-limited senator moving to the House.
Speaker-to-be Tucker demurred, promising the region strong representation on the money committee but not the chairmanship. Most colleagues agreed with him that a former senator, even one who previously served in the House, should not be able to walk in and run the top committee. Republicans and business interests further objected to Ellington for having supported Gov. Kathleen Blanco’s tax and spending proposals.
That seemed to settle it until, out of the blue, came the unofficial but clear word from transition headquarters that Ellington would chair Appropriations and that Tucker was expected to comply.
Legislators were surprised because, even in hardball Capitol politics, it’s not done that way. The speaker deserves at least the appearance of naming committee chairmen and members, though a governor might tell him a certain choice is unacceptable and to pick someone else. But to foist on a speaker a chairman he doesn’t want is to step over what line there is separating the powers in government.
That’s especially so for Tucker, who put together his majority on his own without much need for Jindal’s help. With House members rallying behind him, Tucker went to Jindal and told him no. According to second-hand accounts, the meeting went downhill from there.
With heels dug in, neither side can totally capitulate. Jindal would find himself on rocky ground again in the northeast if he can’t deliver on the first thing its leaders ask of him. If forced to take Ellington, Tucker would be emasculated before he gets the gavel. Why would legislators go to him if they think Ellington has the governor’s ear?
Another danger is that legislators from other parts of the state are asking why the northeast, late to join Jindal’s bandwagon, gets a seat ahead of them. There are not enough top leadership posts to go around to invite this kind of regional rivalry, especially when there seems to be enough budget money to keep everyone reasonably satisfied.
Face could be saved all around if the two can agree on an alternative choice. According to sources, there have been some such discussions.
It behooves Jindal—not to mention the state—to get this behind him in order to begin working as harmoniously with his Republican allies in the House as he seems to be with the Democrats who were supposed to obstruct him in the Senate.
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